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AN UN-ISLAMIC KIDNAPPING AND CHAOS IN THE VALLEY

The illusion of azaadi and Kashmir’s historic deception

How Pak's terror policy evolved in Kashmir

Birth of social media jihadists, death of Article-370

Operation Sindoor: When Indian missiles rained on Pak terror parade

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<div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-poll-sml_083112090820.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><div class="clicktoenlarge"><a href="#" target="_blank" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div><p>Where did the new voters for the BJP alliance come from? The answer is 
straightforward. Parties with very different vote banks came to form 
effective electoral coalitions that swept to power in states where the 
BJP was previously only a marginal player. The surprise is that the 
association of parties with little common appeal did not put off voters:
 for instance, supporters of the traditionally anti-Brahmin AIADMK 
supported a BJP alliance.<br><br>An analysis of the INDIA TODAY-CSDS post-poll survey of the 1998 
election shows that the BJP is no longer an exclusivist party, but one 
that now reaches out to a much wider range of the electorate in terms of
 class, caste and religion. On its own, significantly. With its allies, 
even more so.<br><br>The post-poll survey was conducted the day after polling by CSDS 
researchers among 8,133 voters. This was done in the same 452 polling 
stations in 114 Lok Sabha constituencies spread across 21 states covered
 by INDIA TODAY polls both immediately after the 1996 elections and 
before the elections this time. The interviewers succeeded in tracking 
down 6,806 of the respondents they interviewed in early February.<br></p><div align="center"><b>
How did Social groups react</b></div><div align="left"> </div><div align="left"><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol4-sml_083112090759.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><div class="clicktoenlarge"><a href="#" target="_blank" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div>The BJP Began with a profile typical of a conservative party, obtaining 
more votes from the privileged sections of society: high caste rather 
than lower caste, rich rather than poor, men rather than women, more 
educated rather than less educated. </div><div align="left"> </div><div align="left">The big change this time is that the
 BJP has taken a significant step towards becoming a more broad-based 
party. Its political coalition has also helped it build a social 
coalition. It remains to be seen if the BJP will change its political 
agenda to suit this new social profile.</div><div align="left"></p><p>The party still gets over half the votes of the upper castes, but the 
key to the gains made in 1998 is its inroads into OBC votes. More OBCs 
have swung towards the BJP in these elections than any other community. 
And more OBCs supported the BJP front in 1998 than any other grouping, 
including the United Front (UF).</p></div></p><p>
The BJP's OBC votes have been picked up from an ailing UF. In 1996, the 
UF was the main OBC party, with the support of over a third of the OBC 
population. In 1998, as a consequence of the fracturing and declining 
support of the JD, the UF has ceded that position to the BJP. Congress, 
which has traditionally been weakest among the OBCs managed to hold on 
to what support it had, neither gaining nor losing among OBCs.</p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol1_083112090453.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img></div></p><p>The change in the acceptance of the BJP front is shown by substantial 
gains in support from groups that had previously shunned it, the 
Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Adivasis. The BJP increased its base among 
both and Scheduled Tribes (STs), but the gains were lesser than its 
gains in other sections. The increase in its base among SCs and STs has 
come at the cost of both the Congress and the UF.</p><p>Although the Congress 
continues to get the highest proportion of Adivasi votes, and is 
supported by more Dalits than any other party, it has still lost some 
votes among both these groups to the BJP, particularly among STs in 
Madhya Pradesh. And the UF has lost some support from both groups as 
part of its general decline.<br>
<br>
By and large, Muslim votes are equally divided between the Congress and 
the UF. Sonia's apologies to Muslims for the destruction of the Babri 
Masjid may have stemmed the flow of Muslim voters away from the Congress
 but have not won it any additional votes. The Left Front and Samajwadi 
Party helped the UF obtain a large amount of support from the Muslim 
population but much less than the majority of Muslim vote they had last 
time. </p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol1-sml_083112090759.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><div class="clicktoenlarge"><a href="#" target="_blank" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>The BJP front has increased its support among Muslims by about 3 
per cent compared to the 1996 elections. However, its degree of support 
among Muslims continues to be low, and owes a great deal to alliances 
with parties seen as more secular. In West Bengal, for example, the 
BJP's alliance with the Trinamool Congress has been accompanied by a 
significant swing of Muslims towards the Trinamool-BJP front away from 
Congress.</p><p>The age profile of the voters for different parties has not changed 
substantially in this election. The BJP continues to draw more votes 
from the younger voters in all sections of society, while the Congress 
is favoured by a slightly higher proportion of the elderly. </p><p>There is 
also little change in the gender profile of the parties. As in the past,
 more women than men vote for the Congress, though the gap has reduced 
as compared to the past. The UF also has a similar profile. The BJP and 
its allies tend to be favoured more by men than women. The difference 
was 4 per cent in 1996 and has increased to 6 per cent this time.<br>
<br>
The BJP's association with the socially privileged continues in this 
election, though its profile is less skewed than it was in the last 
election. It still gets a much higher proportion of votes from among the
 highly educated than among those who had lesser education, and still 
less among those who had none. One out of the two graduates who cast 
their vote this time voted for the BJP combine. The opposite tendency 
can be seen in the voters of the Congress and the UF. </p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol3_083112090453.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img></div></p><p>As compared to the
 last election, the BJP has improved its position particularly among 
those with lower educational opportunities. Similarly, there is a clear 
relationship between economic class and preference for the BJP combine. 
The richer you get , the more likely you are to vote for the BJP.</p><p>Interestingly, the Congress has now begun to resemble the BJP in terms 
of its class profile. The support for the UF and the BSP still comes 
more from the underprivileged. Yet, in this respect too, the BJP has 
improved since 1996. In the past two years it has registered a faster 
growth among the poor than among the rich. </p><p>The BJP's allies have also enabled it to overcome another barrier. The 
BJP, and its predecessor, the Jan Sangh, were always predominantly urban
 phenomena. The BJP added a substantial amount of rural votes to its 
kitty in the last decade, yet the gap between its rural and urban vote 
was as high as 13 per cent till 1996. This time the gap has narrowed 
down to less than half of that. Even now it gets more votes in the 
cities than in the villages, but, for the first time, the combine is a 
clear leader in rural and urban India.</p><p><b>Why did the mood shift take place?</b><br></p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol2-sml_083112090759.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><div class="clicktoenlarge"><a href="#" target="_blank" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>The shift in votes that pushed the BJP and its allies from the 214 
projected in the pre-election poll up to the 250 mark took place during 
the campaign. When the same people were approached after the voting had 
taken place in their constituencies, it was discovered that the pattern 
of support had changed substantially.<br><br>Overall, the post-poll survey showed a late swing of 3.6 per cent 
against the Congress. The BJP front saw a movement of 4.8 per cent 
voters in its favour and the UF a late swing of 0.9 per cent away from 
it.</p><p>Obviously, voters tracked campaign styles, personalities and their 
statements till the very end. Over a third of the respondents said they 
made up their minds about which way they would vote only a few days 
before the campaign ended, and 17 per cent said they decided on the day 
of the poll itself.</p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol5-sml_083112090759.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><div class="clicktoenlarge"><a href="#" target="_blank" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>This helps explain why some of the big stories of the election, the 
backlash against the BJP in Rajasthan and the success of Jayalalitha in 
Tamil Nadu came as surprises. In states like Gujarat, West Bengal and 
Tamil Nadu, all of which went to the polls in the second and third 
rounds of voting, the survey picked up huge late swings towards the BJP 
front.<br><br>This survey was one of the key inputs for the accurate early seat 
projection system (ESPS) presented on Doordarshan, which after only a 
few trends had trickled in was predicting the final position in the 
election almost to a seat.<br><br>The late swing explanation is generally seen - and rightly so - as the last 
refuge of the failed psephologist or the defeated candidate. There is, 
however, independent evidence from the election results to confirm the 
late swing hypothesis.</p><p>An analysis of the swings in the constituencies 
which voted in the first, second and third phase of polling shows that 
the tide started turning against the Congress and in favour of the BJP 
after the first phase. This explanation is inadequate. It doesn't tell 
us why the late swing took place. We need to work on that.<br>
</p><hr size="2" width="100%"><i>The survey was coordinated by Pradeep Kumar, K. Srinivasulu, Apurba K. 
Baruah, Rajendra Ravi, Anupama Roy, P.M. Patel, T.R. Sharma, Sandeep 
Shastri, Gopa Kumar, Ram Shankar, Suhas Palshikar, Bijoy K. Bohidar, 
Sanjay Lodha, G.K. Prasad, Sudhir Hilsayan, Madhusudan Mishra, V.K. Rai,
 Peter R. de Souza, and Surajeet C. Mukhopadhyay. Analysis supported by 
CSDS Data Unit and Indian Statistical Institute team.</i><br><div id="tab-link-wrapper-plugin"><div class="authors__container"><div class="authors__by"><div class="authlable">Published By: </div><div class="authdetaisl">AtMigration </div></div><div class="published__on"><div class="authlable">Published On: </div><div class="authdetaisl">Mar 16, 1998</div></div></div><div class="sendros">--- ENDS ---</div></div></div>

nation

Nation

<div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-poll-sml_083112090820.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><div class="clicktoenlarge" style="width:120px;margin-right:15px text-align:center" valign="bottom"><a href="#" onclick="javascript:window.open('https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-poll-lrg_083112090820.jpg','window','status=no,resize=no,toolbar=no,scrollbars=no,width=400,height=347'); return false;" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div><p>Where did the new voters for the BJP alliance come from? The answer is 
straightforward. Parties with very different vote banks came to form 
effective electoral coalitions that swept to power in states where the 
BJP was previously only a marginal player. The surprise is that the 
association of parties with little common appeal did not put off voters:
 for instance, supporters of the traditionally anti-Brahmin AIADMK 
supported a BJP alliance.<br><br>An analysis of the INDIA TODAY-CSDS post-poll survey of the 1998 
election shows that the BJP is no longer an exclusivist party, but one 
that now reaches out to a much wider range of the electorate in terms of
 class, caste and religion. On its own, significantly. With its allies, 
even more so.<br><br>The post-poll survey was conducted the day after polling by CSDS 
researchers among 8,133 voters. This was done in the same 452 polling 
stations in 114 Lok Sabha constituencies spread across 21 states covered
 by INDIA TODAY polls both immediately after the 1996 elections and 
before the elections this time. The interviewers succeeded in tracking 
down 6,806 of the respondents they interviewed in early February.<br></p><div align="center"><b style="color: rgb(204, 0, 0);">
How did Social groups react</b></div><div align="left"> </div><div align="left"><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol4-sml_083112090759.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><div class="clicktoenlarge" style="width:147px;margin-right:15px text-align:center" valign="bottom"><a href="#" onclick="javascript:window.open('https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol4-lrg_083112090759.jpg','window','status=no,resize=no,toolbar=no,scrollbars=no,width=400,height=218'); return false;" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div>The BJP Began with a profile typical of a conservative party, obtaining 
more votes from the privileged sections of society: high caste rather 
than lower caste, rich rather than poor, men rather than women, more 
educated rather than less educated. </div><div align="left"> </div><div align="left">The big change this time is that the
 BJP has taken a significant step towards becoming a more broad-based 
party. Its political coalition has also helped it build a social 
coalition. It remains to be seen if the BJP will change its political 
agenda to suit this new social profile.</div><div align="left"></p><p>The party still gets over half the votes of the upper castes, but the 
key to the gains made in 1998 is its inroads into OBC votes. More OBCs 
have swung towards the BJP in these elections than any other community. 
And more OBCs supported the BJP front in 1998 than any other grouping, 
including the United Front (UF).</p></div></p><p>
The BJP's OBC votes have been picked up from an ailing UF. In 1996, the 
UF was the main OBC party, with the support of over a third of the OBC 
population. In 1998, as a consequence of the fracturing and declining 
support of the JD, the UF has ceded that position to the BJP. Congress, 
which has traditionally been weakest among the OBCs managed to hold on 
to what support it had, neither gaining nor losing among OBCs.</p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol1_083112090453.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div></div></p><p>The change in the acceptance of the BJP front is shown by substantial 
gains in support from groups that had previously shunned it, the 
Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Adivasis. The BJP increased its base among 
both and Scheduled Tribes (STs), but the gains were lesser than its 
gains in other sections. The increase in its base among SCs and STs has 
come at the cost of both the Congress and the UF.</p><p>Although the Congress 
continues to get the highest proportion of Adivasi votes, and is 
supported by more Dalits than any other party, it has still lost some 
votes among both these groups to the BJP, particularly among STs in 
Madhya Pradesh. And the UF has lost some support from both groups as 
part of its general decline.<br>
<br>
By and large, Muslim votes are equally divided between the Congress and 
the UF. Sonia's apologies to Muslims for the destruction of the Babri 
Masjid may have stemmed the flow of Muslim voters away from the Congress
 but have not won it any additional votes. The Left Front and Samajwadi 
Party helped the UF obtain a large amount of support from the Muslim 
population but much less than the majority of Muslim vote they had last 
time. </p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol1-sml_083112090759.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><div class="clicktoenlarge" style="width:140px;margin-right:15px text-align:center" valign="bottom"><a href="#" onclick="javascript:window.open('https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol1-lrg_083112090759.jpg','window','status=no,resize=yes,toolbar=no,scrollbars=yes,width=221,height=919'); return false;" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>The BJP front has increased its support among Muslims by about 3 
per cent compared to the 1996 elections. However, its degree of support 
among Muslims continues to be low, and owes a great deal to alliances 
with parties seen as more secular. In West Bengal, for example, the 
BJP's alliance with the Trinamool Congress has been accompanied by a 
significant swing of Muslims towards the Trinamool-BJP front away from 
Congress.</p><p>The age profile of the voters for different parties has not changed 
substantially in this election. The BJP continues to draw more votes 
from the younger voters in all sections of society, while the Congress 
is favoured by a slightly higher proportion of the elderly. </p><p>There is 
also little change in the gender profile of the parties. As in the past,
 more women than men vote for the Congress, though the gap has reduced 
as compared to the past. The UF also has a similar profile. The BJP and 
its allies tend to be favoured more by men than women. The difference 
was 4 per cent in 1996 and has increased to 6 per cent this time.<br>
<br>
The BJP's association with the socially privileged continues in this 
election, though its profile is less skewed than it was in the last 
election. It still gets a much higher proportion of votes from among the
 highly educated than among those who had lesser education, and still 
less among those who had none. One out of the two graduates who cast 
their vote this time voted for the BJP combine. The opposite tendency 
can be seen in the voters of the Congress and the UF. </p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol3_083112090453.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div></div></p><p>As compared to the
 last election, the BJP has improved its position particularly among 
those with lower educational opportunities. Similarly, there is a clear 
relationship between economic class and preference for the BJP combine. 
The richer you get , the more likely you are to vote for the BJP.</p><p>Interestingly, the Congress has now begun to resemble the BJP in terms 
of its class profile. The support for the UF and the BSP still comes 
more from the underprivileged. Yet, in this respect too, the BJP has 
improved since 1996. In the past two years it has registered a faster 
growth among the poor than among the rich. </p><p>The BJP's allies have also enabled it to overcome another barrier. The 
BJP, and its predecessor, the Jan Sangh, were always predominantly urban
 phenomena. The BJP added a substantial amount of rural votes to its 
kitty in the last decade, yet the gap between its rural and urban vote 
was as high as 13 per cent till 1996. This time the gap has narrowed 
down to less than half of that. Even now it gets more votes in the 
cities than in the villages, but, for the first time, the combine is a 
clear leader in rural and urban India.</p><p><b style="color: rgb(204, 0, 0);">Why did the mood shift take place?</b><br></p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol2-sml_083112090759.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><div class="clicktoenlarge" style="width:154px;margin-right:15px text-align:center" valign="bottom"><a href="#" onclick="javascript:window.open('https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol2-lrg_083112090759.jpg','window','status=no,resize=no,toolbar=no,scrollbars=no,width=300,height=217'); return false;" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>The shift in votes that pushed the BJP and its allies from the 214 
projected in the pre-election poll up to the 250 mark took place during 
the campaign. When the same people were approached after the voting had 
taken place in their constituencies, it was discovered that the pattern 
of support had changed substantially.<br><br>Overall, the post-poll survey showed a late swing of 3.6 per cent 
against the Congress. The BJP front saw a movement of 4.8 per cent 
voters in its favour and the UF a late swing of 0.9 per cent away from 
it.</p><p>Obviously, voters tracked campaign styles, personalities and their 
statements till the very end. Over a third of the respondents said they 
made up their minds about which way they would vote only a few days 
before the campaign ended, and 17 per cent said they decided on the day 
of the poll itself.</p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol5-sml_083112090759.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><div class="clicktoenlarge" style="width:109px;margin-right:15px text-align:center" valign="bottom"><a href="#" onclick="javascript:window.open('https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Fpost-pol5-lrg_083112090759.jpg','window','status=no,resize=no,toolbar=no,scrollbars=no,width=633,height=661'); return false;" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>This helps explain why some of the big stories of the election, the 
backlash against the BJP in Rajasthan and the success of Jayalalitha in 
Tamil Nadu came as surprises. In states like Gujarat, West Bengal and 
Tamil Nadu, all of which went to the polls in the second and third 
rounds of voting, the survey picked up huge late swings towards the BJP 
front.<br><br>This survey was one of the key inputs for the accurate early seat 
projection system (ESPS) presented on Doordarshan, which after only a 
few trends had trickled in was predicting the final position in the 
election almost to a seat.<br><br>The late swing explanation is generally seen - and rightly so - as the last 
refuge of the failed psephologist or the defeated candidate. There is, 
however, independent evidence from the election results to confirm the 
late swing hypothesis.</p><p>An analysis of the swings in the constituencies 
which voted in the first, second and third phase of polling shows that 
the tide started turning against the Congress and in favour of the BJP 
after the first phase. This explanation is inadequate. It doesn't tell 
us why the late swing took place. We need to work on that.<br>
</p><hr size="2" width="100%"><i>The survey was coordinated by Pradeep Kumar, K. Srinivasulu, Apurba K. 
Baruah, Rajendra Ravi, Anupama Roy, P.M. Patel, T.R. Sharma, Sandeep 
Shastri, Gopa Kumar, Ram Shankar, Suhas Palshikar, Bijoy K. Bohidar, 
Sanjay Lodha, G.K. Prasad, Sudhir Hilsayan, Madhusudan Mishra, V.K. Rai,
 Peter R. de Souza, and Surajeet C. Mukhopadhyay. Analysis supported by 
CSDS Data Unit and Indian Statistical Institute team.</i><br><div id="tab-link-wrapper-plugin"><div class="authors__container"><div class="authors__by"><div class="authlable">Published By: </div><div class="authdetaisl">AtMigration </div></div><div class="published__on"><div class="authlable">Published On: </div><div class="authdetaisl">Mar 16, 1998</div></div></div><div class="sendros">--- ENDS ---</div></div></div>

INDIA TODAY commissioned CSDS to conduct a special post-poll survey to track the pattern of voting. The survey was supervised by V.B. Singh and Sanjay Kumar, and the findings are reported by Yogendra Yadav with Alistair Mcmillan and Kanchan Chandra.

India Today

Postpoll: Who voted for whom? - India Today

Post-poll survey shows BJP is no longer an exclusivist party

Postpoll: Who voted for whom?

Investigators said they have obtained details of Imran’s overseas trips and are examining whether the conversion gang had operational or financial connections in Malaysia and Dubai.

Mirzapur religious conversion racket

Mirzapur religious conversion racket: Cops probe fugitive's Malaysia, Dubai links

Stan Wawrinka marked his final Australian Open appearance with a heartfelt farewell, and enjoyed a beer toast in Melbourne as he made his exit from the tournament. Wawrinka played his final match against Taylor Fritz.  

Wawrinka goes full Stone Cold Steve Austin, exits AUS Open with beer toast

The release date of Shah Rukh Khan’s much-anticipated film King has been officially announced. The film is set to hit theatres on Christmas Eve, December 24, 2026, positioning it as a major festive release.

Shahrukh Khan

Shah Rukh Khan’s King release date announced: Check details

Female travellers are hiring attractive young men to carry their bags, pose for photos and play romantic roles at scenic spots across China in a viral trend reshaping the tourism industry.

The newest trend in china

China's viral hot men: why women are paying hunky men for princess carries and boyfriend role play

Australian Open: Former World No.1 Novak Djokovic stormed into the fourth round at Melbourne Park after beating Botic van de Zandschulp of the Netherlands 6-3, 6-4, 7-6 (4) at the Rod Laver Arena.

Novak Djokovic, Iga Swiatek

Djokovic rewrites history with 400 Grand Slam wins, Swiatek survives huge scare

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s election rally in poll-bound Kerala on Thursday saw a warm and light-hearted moment when he paused his speech to acknowledge a young child in the crowd holding up his picture, drawing loud applause. Modi asked the boy to hand over the photograph, write his home address on the back, and promised to write to him personally, directing SPG personnel to handle the picture carefully as a token of the child’s affection. 

PM Modi's Kerala  rally.

You’ll get tired beta: PM’s warm moment with child holding his pic at Kerala rally

 Amidst inclement weather and heavy snowfall, a team of Udhampur police rescued 12 individuals, including women and children, who were stranded at Chochru Galla in the upper ridges of the Basantgarh area.

Udhampur Police Rescue 12 People Stranded In Heavy Snow

Udhampur police rescue 12 people stranded in heavy snowfall in J&K's Basantgarh

Ajith Kumar's fans took the celebrations too seriously as they burst crackers inside a theatre hall during Mankatha screening. The film re-released in South India on January 23.

Ajith Mankatha celebrations

Watch: Ajith's fans burst crackers for Mankantha intro scene inside auditorium

In an exclusive interview with India Today TV Consulting Editor Rajdeep Sardesai at Davos, Somalia's Deputy Prime Minister Salah Ahmed Jama spoke in fluent Hindi and slammed Donald Trump for his remarks and recalled his student days in India. 

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Post-poll survey shows BJP is no longer an exclusivist party

INDIA TODAY commissioned CSDS to conduct a special post-poll survey to track the pattern of voting. The survey was supervised by V.B. Singh and Sanjay Kumar, and the findings are reported by Yogendra Yadav with Alistair Mcmillan and Kanchan Chandra.

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