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Operation Sindoor: When Indian missiles rained on Pak terror parade

<div class='ite_mg_banner ads__container'><div class='it_mg_bnrBox'><div class='ite_bnr_cont'><div class='ite_cont_dtl'> <h4>Get <span class='bold_text'>37%</span> off on an annual Print +Digital subscription of India Today Magazine</h4><a href='https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fsubscriptions.intoday.in%2Findiatoday%3Futm_source%3Dtop-web-banner ' class='ite_subscribe_btn origin_conscent_url' target='_blank'>SUBSCRIBE</a></div></div></div></div>

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<div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-1_090112032651.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><p>These aren't the best of times. It's only natural, with a coalition government gone bust, fears that a slowing economy may do so as well, and a political future which could mean another coalition of convenience, and so on. So it would help if political parties were to give a clear indication, in thought and process, about what they plan to do once - if - they have some say in governance.<br><br>"The key challenge is continuity in the process," says Uday Kotak, managing director of Kotak-Mahindra Finance Limited. "Nuances in policy maybe, but no drastic changes, please," he adds, summing up a feeling that is gaining currency in more than one circle: "You can't call the last guy a fool." Nobody really is, despite the standard previous-government-sent-us-down-the-tube rhetoric.</p><p>From what is seen, heard and known so far, people like Kotak can rest easy. Party manifestos - though inherently weak because these are documents of general intent, not specific policy; much of that will be reflected in the Union budget, expected to be presented in May or June - are more or less on exactly the same lines as expected. Among other things, the Left wants more worker orientation, the Congress trying to make up for its reform gaffes, the United Front (UF) torn even before it takes off, besides being weighed down by left demands, and the BJP redefining the contentious "Be Indian, Buy Indian" as doing whatever "For India".<br><br>While that is continuity in itself - there is also nothing radically different from the manifesto pitches of two years ago, or seven - there is another element to most thinking that is also similar. Parties are agreed, give or take a method or two and wording of documents and speeches, that there is no alternative to reforms or a liberalised, productive and competitive economy. All groups agree that public spending on infrastructure should increase, projects should be speeded up, the poor should get more help, the farm sector should be provided a credit zip to boost the economy banking and financial sectors need to be streamlined as do tax norms. Exports have to pick up, foreign investment is required and Indian business does need a degree of protection, and needs to generate jobs and purchasing power.<br><br>The Congress practically crows over that because as far as the party is concerned, they said all this years ago, and unlike the BJP, actually got a chance to initiate and practise it at the national level. And the fact that they lost out in 1996 had nothing to do with the idea of liberalisation itself, but communication and enforcement gaps in areas like banking and finance; for instance, the resulting scams coloured reforms with corruption.</p><p>So the fact that the party's economic manifesto looks practically identical since 1991, according to Pranab Mukherjee, is because the ideas of liberalisation, deregulation and industrial growth hold as much as pro-poor policies. "There is nothing surprising in that the manifesto essentially reflects the party's thought from seven years ago," he stresses, because the needs of higher growth and more reforms are valid even today. "Of course, there's continuity, we are not a circus party that has to keep changing policy."</p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-2_smal_090112032651.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><div class="clicktoenlarge"><a href="#" target="_blank" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>While the jury is still out on that one, the fact is that there is really no Congress point of view as far as doing business or the economy in general is concerned, including the more disturbing ones such as subsidies, administered prices and cutting government flab, issues that everyone either endorses or ignores - subsidies are pro-poor and pro-farmer; downsizing government is tricky. "All agendas are looking similar because issues have crystallised and coalesced over the past four to five years," says Amit Mitra, secretary general, FICCI. "Everyone understands that without growth you can't do anything - that paradigm is settled. I can tell you that even without looking at the manifestos."<br><br>The nitpicking, then, is about who will go about doing business in which particular manner, in an economy where choices are severely limited, and the bogey of a South East Asian-style financial disaster provides an excuse - real and imaginary - for practically every stand. In more ways than one, this is good news because it suggests a semblance of stability at least on policy issues when a new government clocks in. And this suggests a new realism on how the economic agenda should be treated. Says a senior BJP functionary: "There is always a party in opposition and a party in power. And no party can be fundamentally opposed to reform. In fact, we are saying we will reform the reform process."<br><br>That, as far as the BJP is concerned, involves licensing to be "minimal", as party leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee has stressed repeatedly The manifesto to be released later this week is expected to state in clear terms the following. There will be no lock-in period for investments from foreign institutions - a contradictory statement early last month spread a scare among investors and led to FIIs wondering if India was worth the trouble. And you can't completely stop certain types of foreign investment. But there will be an active move to nudge them into non-consumer, infrastructure, hi-tech areas. The party will not oppose India's obligations at the WTO, but "seek a review", and meanwhile, ensure that domestic industry benefits from some tariffs as with finished goods not being lowered further for two to three years.<br><br></p><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-33_090112035140.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img></div></p><p>There is also talk that some items may shift out of the Open General Licence list; for instance, fabrics whose direct imports are cheaper or rubber. Producers in Kerala say openly they will vote BJP if they do that, to offset a market where domestic rubber prices have crashed by two-thirds in the past year or so. The BJP says disinvestment of public sector units is necessary - "we like to call it divestment, the nuance has a better ring," says a party official involved in the manifesto process.</p><p>But it feels that shares should be bought by the public and the money used to fund development and infrastructure, away from the current practice, bought mainly by government institutions and the money used to pad gaps in budget deficits. Even insurance, one of the more contentious issues recently as far as allowing foreign companies in - the logic: let them come in, they will bring in long-term funds which are needed for power, roads, airports, ports and so on - is expected to find mention with an "only if they invest in the social sector" proviso. It's swadeshi, say insiders, but not blindly so, just practically so, and they also tomtom the fact that the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, a hardline group, has effectively been kept out of the manifesto-making process this time around.<br><br>Analysts, for one, don't find these developments particularly surprising. "All the rhetoric is meant for a specific group of voters, but once in power reality checks in," says Joydeep Mukherjee of Standard & Poor, who wrote the positive India ratings report for the risk analysis agency last October and hasn't revised his opinion after elections were announced. "What is very important to firms in India and those waiting to do business in India is stability." And in that, there is more than enough hope right now, if not in durability of government, then in durability of collective policy. "Even the communists have not sought to reverse liberalisation in the states they are in power," he says.<br><br>While such optimism has not been currently reflected by his colleagues at Moody's, another respected US rating agency, the fact is that there is truth in what Mukherjee says. Simply because there is little room for manoeuvre. The Left parties have stated bluntly in their joint manifesto that the insurance sec-tor should not be privatised and foreign companies "be barred entry into this sector" and that the poor have really taken a hard hit. They too want a review of WTO commitments. But CPI(M) leader Sitaram Yechuri doesn't hesitate to say that "domestic consumers and domestic industry will be the engine of economic growth", though progress has to be charted carefully because "what has happened in South-east Asia can happen to you". The Left view finds prominent display in the UF's statement of intent as well.<br><br>So far, it is being played as moderation, not a brake on anything, with enough opportunity to fine-tune policy once the "clients", as the chief executive of a major automobile company says, have been addressed before the elections. What happens after, provided there is a degree of political stability, is almost pre-ordained: economic policy will stay on course, and things might even get a little better for everyone.</p><p>- <i>with V. Shankar Aiyar<b> </b>in Mumbai and Arthur J. Pais<b> </b>in New York</i></p><div class="itemcenter"><amp-iframe height="62" title="" width="320" sandbox="allow-forms allow-scripts allow-same-origin allow-popups allow-top-navigation allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation" allowfullscreen src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Findiatoday%2Fbanner%2Fpreferred-source-new.html%3Fv%3D1.014%5Cu0026native%3D1" class="mrBt15 preferred-source-banner"> </amp-iframe></div><div id="tab-link-wrapper-plugin"><div class="authors__container"><div class="authors__by"><div class="authlable">Published By: </div><div class="authdetaisl">AtMigration </div></div><div class="published__on"><div class="authlable">Published On: </div><div class="authdetaisl">Feb 9, 1998</div></div></div><div class="sendros">--- ENDS ---</div></div></div>

nation

Nation

<div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-1_090112032651.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><p>These aren't the best of times. It's only natural, with a coalition government gone bust, fears that a slowing economy may do so as well, and a political future which could mean another coalition of convenience, and so on. So it would help if political parties were to give a clear indication, in thought and process, about what they plan to do once - if - they have some say in governance.<br><br>"The key challenge is continuity in the process," says Uday Kotak, managing director of Kotak-Mahindra Finance Limited. "Nuances in policy maybe, but no drastic changes, please," he adds, summing up a feeling that is gaining currency in more than one circle: "You can't call the last guy a fool." Nobody really is, despite the standard previous-government-sent-us-down-the-tube rhetoric.</p><p>From what is seen, heard and known so far, people like Kotak can rest easy. Party manifestos - though inherently weak because these are documents of general intent, not specific policy; much of that will be reflected in the Union budget, expected to be presented in May or June - are more or less on exactly the same lines as expected. Among other things, the Left wants more worker orientation, the Congress trying to make up for its reform gaffes, the United Front (UF) torn even before it takes off, besides being weighed down by left demands, and the BJP redefining the contentious "Be Indian, Buy Indian" as doing whatever "For India".<br><br>While that is continuity in itself - there is also nothing radically different from the manifesto pitches of two years ago, or seven - there is another element to most thinking that is also similar. Parties are agreed, give or take a method or two and wording of documents and speeches, that there is no alternative to reforms or a liberalised, productive and competitive economy. All groups agree that public spending on infrastructure should increase, projects should be speeded up, the poor should get more help, the farm sector should be provided a credit zip to boost the economy banking and financial sectors need to be streamlined as do tax norms. Exports have to pick up, foreign investment is required and Indian business does need a degree of protection, and needs to generate jobs and purchasing power.<br><br>The Congress practically crows over that because as far as the party is concerned, they said all this years ago, and unlike the BJP, actually got a chance to initiate and practise it at the national level. And the fact that they lost out in 1996 had nothing to do with the idea of liberalisation itself, but communication and enforcement gaps in areas like banking and finance; for instance, the resulting scams coloured reforms with corruption.</p><p>So the fact that the party's economic manifesto looks practically identical since 1991, according to Pranab Mukherjee, is because the ideas of liberalisation, deregulation and industrial growth hold as much as pro-poor policies. "There is nothing surprising in that the manifesto essentially reflects the party's thought from seven years ago," he stresses, because the needs of higher growth and more reforms are valid even today. "Of course, there's continuity, we are not a circus party that has to keep changing policy."</p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-2_smal_090112032651.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><div class="clicktoenlarge" style="width:300px;margin-right:15px text-align:center" valign="bottom"><a href="#" onclick="javascript:window.open('https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-2_larg_090112032651.jpg','window','status=no,resize=no,toolbar=no,scrollbars=no,width=600,height=341'); return false;" rel="dofollow">Click here to Enlarge</a></div></div></p><p>While the jury is still out on that one, the fact is that there is really no Congress point of view as far as doing business or the economy in general is concerned, including the more disturbing ones such as subsidies, administered prices and cutting government flab, issues that everyone either endorses or ignores - subsidies are pro-poor and pro-farmer; downsizing government is tricky. "All agendas are looking similar because issues have crystallised and coalesced over the past four to five years," says Amit Mitra, secretary general, FICCI. "Everyone understands that without growth you can't do anything - that paradigm is settled. I can tell you that even without looking at the manifestos."<br><br>The nitpicking, then, is about who will go about doing business in which particular manner, in an economy where choices are severely limited, and the bogey of a South East Asian-style financial disaster provides an excuse - real and imaginary - for practically every stand. In more ways than one, this is good news because it suggests a semblance of stability at least on policy issues when a new government clocks in. And this suggests a new realism on how the economic agenda should be treated. Says a senior BJP functionary: "There is always a party in opposition and a party in power. And no party can be fundamentally opposed to reform. In fact, we are saying we will reform the reform process."<br><br>That, as far as the BJP is concerned, involves licensing to be "minimal", as party leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee has stressed repeatedly The manifesto to be released later this week is expected to state in clear terms the following. There will be no lock-in period for investments from foreign institutions - a contradictory statement early last month spread a scare among investors and led to FIIs wondering if India was worth the trouble. And you can't completely stop certain types of foreign investment. But there will be an active move to nudge them into non-consumer, infrastructure, hi-tech areas. The party will not oppose India's obligations at the WTO, but "seek a review", and meanwhile, ensure that domestic industry benefits from some tariffs as with finished goods not being lowered further for two to three years.<br><br></p><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998February%2Fso-33_090112035140.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div></div></p><p>There is also talk that some items may shift out of the Open General Licence list; for instance, fabrics whose direct imports are cheaper or rubber. Producers in Kerala say openly they will vote BJP if they do that, to offset a market where domestic rubber prices have crashed by two-thirds in the past year or so. The BJP says disinvestment of public sector units is necessary - "we like to call it divestment, the nuance has a better ring," says a party official involved in the manifesto process.</p><p>But it feels that shares should be bought by the public and the money used to fund development and infrastructure, away from the current practice, bought mainly by government institutions and the money used to pad gaps in budget deficits. Even insurance, one of the more contentious issues recently as far as allowing foreign companies in - the logic: let them come in, they will bring in long-term funds which are needed for power, roads, airports, ports and so on - is expected to find mention with an "only if they invest in the social sector" proviso. It's swadeshi, say insiders, but not blindly so, just practically so, and they also tomtom the fact that the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, a hardline group, has effectively been kept out of the manifesto-making process this time around.<br><br>Analysts, for one, don't find these developments particularly surprising. "All the rhetoric is meant for a specific group of voters, but once in power reality checks in," says Joydeep Mukherjee of Standard & Poor, who wrote the positive India ratings report for the risk analysis agency last October and hasn't revised his opinion after elections were announced. "What is very important to firms in India and those waiting to do business in India is stability." And in that, there is more than enough hope right now, if not in durability of government, then in durability of collective policy. "Even the communists have not sought to reverse liberalisation in the states they are in power," he says.<br><br>While such optimism has not been currently reflected by his colleagues at Moody's, another respected US rating agency, the fact is that there is truth in what Mukherjee says. Simply because there is little room for manoeuvre. The Left parties have stated bluntly in their joint manifesto that the insurance sec-tor should not be privatised and foreign companies "be barred entry into this sector" and that the poor have really taken a hard hit. They too want a review of WTO commitments. But CPI(M) leader Sitaram Yechuri doesn't hesitate to say that "domestic consumers and domestic industry will be the engine of economic growth", though progress has to be charted carefully because "what has happened in South-east Asia can happen to you". The Left view finds prominent display in the UF's statement of intent as well.<br><br>So far, it is being played as moderation, not a brake on anything, with enough opportunity to fine-tune policy once the "clients", as the chief executive of a major automobile company says, have been addressed before the elections. What happens after, provided there is a degree of political stability, is almost pre-ordained: economic policy will stay on course, and things might even get a little better for everyone.</p><p>- <i>with V. Shankar Aiyar<b> </b>in Mumbai and Arthur J. Pais<b> </b>in New York</i></p><div class="itemcenter"><iframe scrolling="no" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" width="100%" height="62" awidth="320" aheight="62" amplayout="fixed" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Findiatoday%2Fbanner%2Fpreferred-source-new.html%3Fv%3D1.014" class="preferred-source-banner" loading="lazy"></iframe></div><style>.preferred-source-banner{  margin-top: 10px; margin-bottom:10px;}</style><div id="tab-link-wrapper-plugin"><div class="authors__container"><div class="authors__by"><div class="authlable">Published By: </div><div class="authdetaisl">AtMigration </div></div><div class="published__on"><div class="authlable">Published On: </div><div class="authdetaisl">Feb 9, 1998</div></div></div><div class="sendros">--- ENDS ---</div></div></div>

Political parties mouth off on promises, but the good news is that convergence on some issues signals more reform, speed and stability.

India Today

So what's new, anyway? - India Today

Economic manifestos: Political parties mouth off on promises

So what's new, anyway?

Advanced technology uncovers ancient graffiti, including love notes and sketches, offering fresh insights into daily life in Pompeii.

Love notes, violence, intimacy: Pompeii's newly found inscriptions reveal

Messages of love, lust, and violence found on ancient Pompeii wall

Several Indian celebrities have made noteworthy fashion statements in Valentino creations. Priyanka Chopra Jonas turned heads at the Met Gala 2023 in a striking monochrome Valentino gown, while Aishwarya Rai Bachchan embraced the iconic Valentino pink at the Cannes Film Festival 2022.

Indian celebs in Valentino outfits

Valentino and India: Fashion moments ft. Priyanka Chopra, Aishwarya Rai and more

A new employee shared how he was corrected for addressing his boss by first name on day one, which led to a discussion on respect and hierarchy in Indian offices.

Employee shares ‘call him sir’ moment after being told not to address boss by name

Employee shares ‘call him sir’ moment after being told not to address boss by name (Photo: Representational Image from Pexels)

Retirement promises freedom and flexibility, but it also brings a quiet shift in how money is taxed. Small mistakes made during this transition can slowly drain your savings, often without you noticing until it is too late.

retirement planning

Retiring soon? Don’t let these common tax blunders drain your savings

Skoda has unveiled the facelifted Kushaq in India with refreshed styling, a more premium cabin and notable upgrades, including a segment-first rear-seat massage function, ahead of its March price announcement.

Skoda Kushaq facelift

Skoda Kushaq facelift revealed, offers segment-first rear-seat massage function

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Nitin Nabin

Tamil Nadu

Jana Nayagan

PM Modi

Dhurandhar

Davos 2026

Border 2

Donald Trump

Jaipur Literature Festival

WPL 2026

AR Rahman

Budget

T20 World Cup

On this Special Report, Shivani Giri discusses US President Donald Trump's renewed assertion that the United States intends to acquire Greenland. Trump has stated, 'It is time. It will be done now,' claiming that NATO has warned Denmark for two decades about the necessity of removing Russian influence from the region. The report highlights Trump's frustration with Denmark's perceived inaction regarding security threats in the Arctic. Furthermore, the US President has reportedly issued threats of tariffs against allies who oppose the Greenland plan, hinting at potential military considerations as the Arctic becomes a strategic priority. While some NATO nations remain divided, local protests in Greenland and opposition from Germany underscore the geopolitical friction caused by these statements. The programme explores the escalating tensions and the strategic importance of the Arctic in current international relations.

Trump: It Is Time To Acquire Greenland

Donald Trump Reiterates Greenland Purchase Plan, Cites Russian Threat To Denmark

In this report, Muneesh Pandey provides details on the Central Bureau of Investigation's (CBI) second and likely final round of questioning of TVK chief Vijay. The investigation pertains to a tragic stampede in Karur that resulted in the deaths of 41 people. Muneesh Pandey notes that 'CBI is in a process to file a charge sheet in the case' and is currently confronting Vijay with documentary evidence and statements from Tamil Nadu police officials. The probe focuses on why Vijay continued his speech for several minutes despite allegedly witnessing members of the public fainting due to dehydration. The transcript highlights a seven-hour delay in Vijay's arrival as a primary factor for the crowd build-up. While the TVK party blames the police for lack of arrangements, the Tamil Nadu police have submitted video footage to the CBI to fix accountability on the organizers and the TVK chief.

Vijay Faced CBI Questioning Over Karur Stampede

CBI Questions TVK Chief Vijay Over Karur Stampede; Charge Sheet Likely Soon

On this Special Report, the focus is on the intensifying 'resort politics' in Maharashtra as the Mahayuti alliance maneuvers to secure the Mumbai mayoral post. Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde has asserted that the 'mayor's chair is firmly in the Mahayuti's grip' and emphasized that the final decision will be made in consultation with the BJP. The transcript details the movement of 29 newly elected Shiv Sena corporators to a hotel to prevent poaching before formal group formation under the Mumbai Municipal Act. Reporter Vidya highlights that while Eknath Shinde is currently in Davos, backroom maneuvering continues in Kalyan-Dombivli and Mumbai. The programme analyzes various numerical scenarios, noting that while the Mahayuti holds a majority with 118 seats, any shift in alliance dynamics could alter the outcome. The report underscores the strategic importance of the upcoming gazette notification and the subsequent mayoral elections in the state's political landscape.

Eknath Shinde: Mayor Post Decision After BJP Consultation

Eknath Shinde Says Mahayuti Will Decide Mumbai Mayor Post After BJP Consultation

On this report, the focus is on the International Cricket Council's (ICC) stern ultimatum to the Bangladesh Cricket Board regarding their participation in the upcoming T20 World Cup matches scheduled in India. Following internal government pressure and security concerns cited by Bangladesh, the ICC has clarified there are no legitimate security threats in India. The global cricket body has reportedly told Bangladesh to 'Play in India or get replaced' in the tournament. A deadline of Wednesday, 21st January, has been set for a final response. The programme discusses the tension between the two boards and the ICC's refusal to move matches, emphasizing that if Bangladesh refuses to travel, they will forfeit their points and be replaced by another team based on current ICC rankings. The report highlights the intersection of sports and politics as the deadline approaches.

ICC To Bangladesh: Play In India Or Be Replaced

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Economic manifestos: Political parties mouth off on promises

Political parties mouth off on promises, but the good news is that convergence on some issues signals more reform, speed and stability.

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