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<div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Froll-rev1_083112090453.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img><p>Hindi film villain Ajit has a famous line: "<i>Raabert, isko liquid oxygen mein daal do</i>. The liquid won't let him survive, the oxygen won't let him die." The fate of Robert's victim could as well fit the 113-year-old Congress party.</p><p>Almost surely headed for its second consecutive term out of power, after 1996, the party of compromises and barters is being deserted by the traditional supportive social groups in most states. </p><p>That's as far as the "liquid" remedy goes. However, there is still a whiff of "oxygen" as the party is feeding on the debris of the United Front (UF), the shrinking coalition of regional and leftist parties. But it is a net loser, its national vote share being on the skids since 1991.<br><br>Last week, when the Congress Working Committee (CWC) held its first formal meeting since the announcement of poll results, there were expectations within the party that the highest policy-making group might, for a change, turn its gaze inwards for a recipe of organisational change. </p><p>In the television discussions on poll results, Jairam Ramesh, the party's joint secretary, had raised hope that the Congress might at last grin and bear its defeat and perhaps give some time to instrospection. </p><p>Ramesh said that, with the BJP and its allies crossing 250, the Congress had a "moral, constitutional and political" duty to sit in the opposition. But the Congress, true to its form, pulled up Ramesh and others who shared his view and began, under the leadership of Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar, an all-out effort to secure the UF support for a Congress-led government. </p><div class="itemcenter"><amp-iframe height="62" title="" width="320" sandbox="allow-forms allow-scripts allow-same-origin allow-popups allow-top-navigation allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation" allowfullscreen src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Findiatoday%2Fbanner%2Fpreferred-source-new.html%3Fv%3D1.014%5Cu0026native%3D1" class="mrBt15 preferred-source-banner"> </amp-iframe></div></p><p>As these efforts failed in the face of strong resistance from UF partners to support a Congress government, the CWC piped down and settled for a constructive role "in the process of formation of a stable, secular government".<br><br>"There is no harm in looking for a non-BJP alternative," says Pawar, preening a bit after the party's dazzling performance in Maharashtra. "We're committed to the electorate that we shall try to keep the BJP out of power," says K. Vijayabhaskara Reddy, the Andhra Pradesh heavyweight. </p><p>But these brave words came more out of the heady local triumph than confidence in the party's ability to rope in friends who'd support it in government. The rebuffs that came from the Congress' pre-poll allies and those whom the party hoped to win over are a legion. Examples:</p><ul><li>N. Chandrababu Naidu of the TDP described the Congress as his party's "enemy number one in the state", and at one point did not even receive calls from the Congress camp;</li><li>Pawar claimed that he could get the support of Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress, but the "Bengal tigress" said a firm no to the "mutual friend," a Mumbai-based Bengali lawyer, when the overture was made;</li><li>Haryana leader Om Prakash Chautala, whose HLD(R) has secured four seats, kept his appointment with a weighty CWC member only after announcing that he'd support the BJP to form government;</li><li>B.S. Ramoowalia, a political non-entity who owes his Cabinet seat to CPI(M) supremo H.S. Surjeet, moved like a shuttle cock between the Purana Qila Road residence of Congress President Sitaram Kesri and the CPI(M) headquarters in the Gole Market area. However, all hell broke loose in the Marxist party the moment Surjeet expressed the desire of supporting a Congress government.</li></ul><div class="itg-mosimage"><amp-img src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Frole-reserve2_083112030615.jpg" alt="" height="425" width="650" class="" layout="responsive"></amp-img>FEW OPTIONS:With the numbers stacked heavily against it, the Congress may have to reconcile itself to sitting in the Opposition</div></p><p>The Congress has, over the years, developed the trait of being averse to sitting in the opposition. The post-Emergency election in 1977 sent it packing, but it used Charan Singh's revolt in 1979 to start backseat driving and, in 1980, grabbing the controls of the government again. In 1989, it was back in the opposition but in 11 months manipulated its way to the outside-sup-porter's role to reclaim power in 1991.<br><br>In the past 21 months, it became restless as the UF's outside supporter, as is evident from the jolts Kesri gave to the Front by pulling down two prime ministers. Its calculation went wrong this time round, as the history of its victories in 1980 and 1991 were not repeated.<br><br>However, Congressmen who want the old party not to be in a hurry think that a stint in the opposition may offer a good learning opportunity to the party to claw its way back to power. Veteran Congress leader Siddhartha Shankar Ray said the Congress "should sit in the opposition...and fight the BJP on principle and ideology".</p><p>Rajesh Pilot feels that the BJP-led alliance would crumble under its internal contradiction but, if the Congress "jumps the gun", that might consolidate a wobbly combination. At an informal meeting last week, CWC members discussed a shadow cabinet that would monitor the functioning of various ministries, as also the extent of floor-level coordination with the UF, particularly with the Left Front and the Samajwadi Party. </p><p>So, Congressmen too are seriously weighing the opposition option, though their corridors of power are still full of people who have made it a habit to announce that the "game" is still "open". Fortunately for the Congress, the saner elements have begun raising their voice. As former Andhra Pradesh Congress chief Y.S. Rajashekhara Reddy, who retained the Cuddapah seat, says: "The party should rather sit in the opposition than make attempts to cobble a majority."<br><br>How does the familiar palace diplomacy of the party, centering around Sonia Gandhi, fit into the emerging scenario? Though the lady of 10 Janpath maintains an invisible grip over the party - as is evident from the CWC invitation to her to choose the parliamentary party leader - there is no evidence yet to suggest that she'd like the party to strike a hawkish posture on government-making. </p><p>Of course, she has her own short-list of people who might lead a Congress government, perhaps comprising Pawar, Manmohan Singh, and-who knows - Kesri himself. It is learnt from sources close to her that she had brushed aside the proposal to stake a claim until the 166 MPs of the party and its allies were topped up with at least 115 more from UF and others. </p><p>The UF strength being less than 100, Sonia is clearly reconciled to the view that the Congress should sit in the opposition, for some time at least. If her opinion prevails - as it is expected - the party may at last discover that, in a democracy, the path to the treasury benches lies in the opposition territory. <br></p><div id="tab-link-wrapper-plugin"><div class="authors__container"><div class="authors__by"><div class="authlable">Published By: </div><div class="authdetaisl">AtMigration </div></div><div class="published__on"><div class="authlable">Published On: </div><div class="authdetaisl">Mar 16, 1998</div></div></div><div class="sendros">--- ENDS ---</div></div></div>

cover-story

Cover Story

<div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Froll-rev1_083112090453.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div><p>Hindi film villain Ajit has a famous line: "<i>Raabert, isko liquid oxygen mein daal do</i>. The liquid won't let him survive, the oxygen won't let him die." The fate of Robert's victim could as well fit the 113-year-old Congress party.</p><p>Almost surely headed for its second consecutive term out of power, after 1996, the party of compromises and barters is being deserted by the traditional supportive social groups in most states. </p><p>That's as far as the "liquid" remedy goes. However, there is still a whiff of "oxygen" as the party is feeding on the debris of the United Front (UF), the shrinking coalition of regional and leftist parties. But it is a net loser, its national vote share being on the skids since 1991.<br><br>Last week, when the Congress Working Committee (CWC) held its first formal meeting since the announcement of poll results, there were expectations within the party that the highest policy-making group might, for a change, turn its gaze inwards for a recipe of organisational change. </p><p>In the television discussions on poll results, Jairam Ramesh, the party's joint secretary, had raised hope that the Congress might at last grin and bear its defeat and perhaps give some time to instrospection. </p><p>Ramesh said that, with the BJP and its allies crossing 250, the Congress had a "moral, constitutional and political" duty to sit in the opposition. But the Congress, true to its form, pulled up Ramesh and others who shared his view and began, under the leadership of Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar, an all-out effort to secure the UF support for a Congress-led government. </p><div class="itemcenter"><iframe scrolling="no" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" width="100%" height="62" awidth="320" aheight="62" amplayout="fixed" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Findiatoday%2Fbanner%2Fpreferred-source-new.html%3Fv%3D1.014" class="preferred-source-banner" loading="lazy"></iframe></div><style>.preferred-source-banner{  margin-top: 10px; margin-bottom:10px;}</style></p><p>As these efforts failed in the face of strong resistance from UF partners to support a Congress government, the CWC piped down and settled for a constructive role "in the process of formation of a stable, secular government".<br><br>"There is no harm in looking for a non-BJP alternative," says Pawar, preening a bit after the party's dazzling performance in Maharashtra. "We're committed to the electorate that we shall try to keep the BJP out of power," says K. Vijayabhaskara Reddy, the Andhra Pradesh heavyweight. </p><p>But these brave words came more out of the heady local triumph than confidence in the party's ability to rope in friends who'd support it in government. The rebuffs that came from the Congress' pre-poll allies and those whom the party hoped to win over are a legion. Examples:</p><ul><li>N. Chandrababu Naidu of the TDP described the Congress as his party's "enemy number one in the state", and at one point did not even receive calls from the Congress camp;</li><li>Pawar claimed that he could get the support of Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress, but the "Bengal tigress" said a firm no to the "mutual friend," a Mumbai-based Bengali lawyer, when the overture was made;</li><li>Haryana leader Om Prakash Chautala, whose HLD(R) has secured four seats, kept his appointment with a weighty CWC member only after announcing that he'd support the BJP to form government;</li><li>B.S. Ramoowalia, a political non-entity who owes his Cabinet seat to CPI(M) supremo H.S. Surjeet, moved like a shuttle cock between the Purana Qila Road residence of Congress President Sitaram Kesri and the CPI(M) headquarters in the Gole Market area. However, all hell broke loose in the Marxist party the moment Surjeet expressed the desire of supporting a Congress government.</li></ul><div class="itg-mosimage"><div class="itgimage"><img  title=""  class="" alt="" src="https://ancillary-proxy.atarimworker.dev?url=https%3A%2F%2Fakm-img-a-in.tosshub.com%2Fsites%2Fmedia2%2Findiatoday%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F1998March%2Frole-reserve2_083112030615.jpg" loading="lazy" /></div>FEW OPTIONS:With the numbers stacked heavily against it, the Congress may have to reconcile itself to sitting in the Opposition</div></p><p>The Congress has, over the years, developed the trait of being averse to sitting in the opposition. The post-Emergency election in 1977 sent it packing, but it used Charan Singh's revolt in 1979 to start backseat driving and, in 1980, grabbing the controls of the government again. In 1989, it was back in the opposition but in 11 months manipulated its way to the outside-sup-porter's role to reclaim power in 1991.<br><br>In the past 21 months, it became restless as the UF's outside supporter, as is evident from the jolts Kesri gave to the Front by pulling down two prime ministers. Its calculation went wrong this time round, as the history of its victories in 1980 and 1991 were not repeated.<br><br>However, Congressmen who want the old party not to be in a hurry think that a stint in the opposition may offer a good learning opportunity to the party to claw its way back to power. Veteran Congress leader Siddhartha Shankar Ray said the Congress "should sit in the opposition...and fight the BJP on principle and ideology".</p><p>Rajesh Pilot feels that the BJP-led alliance would crumble under its internal contradiction but, if the Congress "jumps the gun", that might consolidate a wobbly combination. At an informal meeting last week, CWC members discussed a shadow cabinet that would monitor the functioning of various ministries, as also the extent of floor-level coordination with the UF, particularly with the Left Front and the Samajwadi Party. </p><p>So, Congressmen too are seriously weighing the opposition option, though their corridors of power are still full of people who have made it a habit to announce that the "game" is still "open". Fortunately for the Congress, the saner elements have begun raising their voice. As former Andhra Pradesh Congress chief Y.S. Rajashekhara Reddy, who retained the Cuddapah seat, says: "The party should rather sit in the opposition than make attempts to cobble a majority."<br><br>How does the familiar palace diplomacy of the party, centering around Sonia Gandhi, fit into the emerging scenario? Though the lady of 10 Janpath maintains an invisible grip over the party - as is evident from the CWC invitation to her to choose the parliamentary party leader - there is no evidence yet to suggest that she'd like the party to strike a hawkish posture on government-making. </p><p>Of course, she has her own short-list of people who might lead a Congress government, perhaps comprising Pawar, Manmohan Singh, and-who knows - Kesri himself. It is learnt from sources close to her that she had brushed aside the proposal to stake a claim until the 166 MPs of the party and its allies were topped up with at least 115 more from UF and others. </p><p>The UF strength being less than 100, Sonia is clearly reconciled to the view that the Congress should sit in the opposition, for some time at least. If her opinion prevails - as it is expected - the party may at last discover that, in a democracy, the path to the treasury benches lies in the opposition territory. <br></p><div id="tab-link-wrapper-plugin"><div class="authors__container"><div class="authors__by"><div class="authlable">Published By: </div><div class="authdetaisl">AtMigration </div></div><div class="published__on"><div class="authlable">Published On: </div><div class="authdetaisl">Mar 16, 1998</div></div></div><div class="sendros">--- ENDS ---</div></div></div>

India's party of power is still jockeying for government, but a significant section within is advocating that another stint in the Opposition would be worth the while.

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Congressmen weigh the opposition option

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Congressmen weigh the opposition option

India's party of power is still jockeying for government, but a significant section within is advocating that another stint in the Opposition would be worth the while.

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