Percentage of the total forceThe mosque at Colonelganj in Kanpur stands like a sentinel that has been scarred. With bullet marks. These were made not by the guns of frenzied Hindu mobs but by the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) who were posted in that area to protect the Muslims.Inside, a metal box that holds the Koran has been ripped by a PAC bullet. And when the congregation gathered fornamaaz, sees the near-desecration of the holy book, they are filled with anger. Asks a livid Mohammed Yasin, a readymade garment manufacturer: "If the Government cannot save our mosques, how can it safeguard our lives?"Residents of Colonelganj, in the heart of a five-lakh strong Muslim ghetto, are now contemplating building huge iron gates before each lane so as to keep the police and "others" out.Anger and distrust are the two dominant emotions that have come to the fore among Muslims as the Ayodhya issue ferments. Anger at the system that failed: the bureaucracy, Parliament, the judiciary and politicians. And distrust of the law enforcers, who instead of protecting them have become their tormentors. This was amply borne out in Deoband, the seat of Islamic learning in the Hindu heartland of Uttar Pradesh. Mohammed Irfan, a Deoband sugar factory owner had his factory looted and his fields set on fire. When he went to the police for help, they charged him with setting fire to his property to ignite communal trouble.Even where the police is not directly involved, as in the case of Surat, the failure of the state in protecting their lives has also become a critical component for their growing distrust. And the further apart the Muslims and the largely perceived Hindu state machinery pull away from each other, the greater danger it poses to the secular credentials of the nation. And the indications are that the two sides have moved far enough for alarm bells to go off.Post-Ayodhya riots brought in shocking reports from all over the country of how the police had acted in a biased fashion, lashing out at the minorities. Muslims were asking why not a single bullet was fired in Ayodhya while many others fell to bullets in the Muslim-dominated areas of Bombay, Surat, Ahmedabad, Delhi and Kanpur.A victim of police brutality in BadaunMost Muslims feel that this is because the police, especially the PAC, is largely Hindu dominated and there are very few Muslim recruits. This common perception is borne out by official statistics. In the CRPF, they account for just 5.57 per cent, while their number in the PAC is even lower (see chart).Even in the much touted Rapid Action Force, which aims to be more representative of the minorities, including Muslims, the number is not more than 16 per cent. Hindus still account for more than 80 per cent of the force. .preferred-source-banner{ margin-top: 10px; margin-bottom:10px;}This large representation of the majority is particularly critical in the present context. Explains a police observer: "Cadre based parties, like the BJP, tend to hold a sway over some sections of the Hindus in the central forces and could influence their actions."But senior police officials disagree that having a Muslim majority force is the answer: "Do you think that the force should have 80 per cent Muslims before that community feels safe?" The solution, the officials assert, lies in making the existing force more sensitive to communal situations through the dual strategy of training and proper leadership. They point to the Ayodhya events of 1990 to argue their case. Here, under the government of Mulayam Singh, a predominantly Hindu police force prevented the kar sevaks from damaging the Babri Masjid through the use of force. What made the forces effective in maintaining law and order was the clear signal that came down from the top police leadership. Notes Ved Marwah, former National Security Guard chief: "It is a prescription for chaos if the police decides when they will enforce the law and when they will not."This was clearly illustrated in the recent Kanpur riots. When trouble broke out after December 6, both the district magistrate and the senior superintendent of police were staunch Hindutva supporters and were known to have BJP sympathies. Result: Kanpur burned. But after President's rule was imposed, they were promptly transferred and two officers who were reputed to be not only tough, but also secular, were brought in. The administration and the police were electrified into action. FIRs which were earlier refused, were now admitted and peace returned. Says Subhashini Ali, former Kanpur MP: "If the top officer is impartial and secular, riots cannot break out. Subordinates know exactly what their bosses want and just fall in line."Similarly, if the state machinery was responsive in Bihar, the credit goes to Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav. Like one trying to save his own house, he set about the job of seeing that riots did not erupt by constantly plunging into troubled areas and ordering the police to be tough. In some areas local toughs were warned to keep the peace. When a mob had collected at Phulwarsharif on the outskirts of Patna, he reached there before the police did. The mob just melted away.Along with good leaders, training is considered essential to reinforce the 'secular' character of the force. But most paramilitary outfits are unable to devote adequate time or personnel for it. For instance, the 1.5 lakh-strong CRPF needs about 20 batallions for training. But so far it has been able to earmark, only eight. And many of these have also been deployed following the Ayodhya crisis. Director-General D.P.N. Singh complains: "Training has acquired a back seat through force of circumstances."The absence of adequate training and proper leaders is clearly beginning to tell. Consider the number of cities where the police has been charged of acting on communal lines after December 6. And as the distrust grows the Muslims have begun to show two disturbing trends: that of becoming extremists and of showing a tendency towards ghettoisation.Muslim youngsters now turn to give an eager ear to fundamentalists. In all areas where Muslims have borne the brunt, there is a frightening sense of defiance among youngsters who threaten to take up arms to defend themselves and the community. Says Deoband-based Mehmood Asad Madani, director of the Central Warehousing Corporation: "If state-sponsored police repression continues, terrorists will be born and even I will have no hesitation in becoming one."Most Muslims today are caught in a pincer of insecurity and grief not knowing what tomorrow holds for them. What haunts them is not just personal security, but the feeling that the system has let them down. As Maulana Marghoob Ur Rahman, director, Darul Uloom, a centre of Islamic learning says: ''We have lost faith in the system now. There is no one to protect us or wipe our tears."Published By: AtMigration Published On: Jan 31, 1993--- ENDS ---
