Nair-Ezhava leaders' Hindu unity move: Who stands to benefit in Kerala polls?
The convergence of Nair and Ezhava outfits has sent ripples through Kerala’s political landscape ahead of the high-stakes Assembly elections. Who stands to gain?

Alappuzha is a constituency built on water — the sea on one edge, Vembanad’s backwaters on the other — and on the restless economics that water sustains: fishing, coir, port-linked trade, tourism, canals and the everyday vulnerability of a low-lying town. It is Kerala’s best-known postcard landscape, but electorally it behaves less like a postcard and more like a ledger. Voters here have a long habit of auditing power — rewarding leaders who ease the town’s daily frictions and punishing those who mistake visibility for delivery.
Part of the Alappuzha Lok Sabha constituency, Alappuzha (AC 104) is anchored around Alappuzha municipality and adjoining panchayats including Aryad, Mannanchery, Mararikkulam South and Mararikkulam North. The seat’s social and occupational mix — coastal labour, backwater-linked livelihoods, trade and an expanding service sector — produces a political culture that is alert, argumentative and deeply rooted in place.
Geography That Produces Politics
Alappuzha town sits on a narrow strip between the Arabian Sea and Vembanad Lake, a geography that once made it a trading and canal hub and today sustains its tourism economy and transport networks. The same geography also makes it perpetually anxious. Flooding, drainage failures, canal health, waste management, coastal erosion and salinity intrusion are not abstract “climate issues” here; they are lived disruptions that reshape voter mood between elections.
Unlike purely rural coastal seats, Alappuzha is a town constituency with multiple political rhythms. Municipal wards foreground urban concerns — roads, canals, markets, housing projects, sanitation and public health. The panchayat belts bring agrarian and backwater anxieties — paddy fields, inland fishing, bunds, saline intrusion and seasonal flooding. Together, they produce an electorate that demands competent civic governance as much as ideological alignment.
Social Composition and Community Arithmetic
Alappuzha’s social fabric is mixed and broadly balanced — Ezhavas, Christians including coastal Latin Catholic communities, Muslims in consolidated pockets, and dispersed Scheduled Castes — alongside a growing service-sector and tourism-linked workforce. No single community can dictate outcomes; elections are won through coalition-building across wards and occupational clusters.
Historically, organised labour — coir and allied work, port and transport labour, fishing-linked activity and municipal labour networks — helped build Left institutions and vocabulary in the town. But Alappuzha’s voting behaviour has never been mechanically ideological. When everyday governance falters — blocked canals, waste accumulation, market disorder or flood vulnerability — voters do not hesitate to narrow margins or shift sides.
Political History: From Congress Bastion to Left Consolidation
Alappuzha’s political trajectory mirrors Kerala’s coastal modernity. The constituency has existed since the formation of the state, and for long phases it produced Congress leaders and UDF victories — most notably in the 1990s, when K. C. Venugopal represented the seat, underscoring the town’s willingness to back strong Congress personalities during periods of organisational strength.
Yet Alappuzha has also repeatedly returned Left leaders when governance credibility aligned with local needs. A decisive turn came with T. M. Thomas Isaac, who represented the seat from 2011 to 2021 and emerged as one of the state’s most visible policy figures as finance minister. His tenure brought a development-heavy, municipality-focused style that recalibrated voter expectations.
The seat’s history also contains reminders of how closely contested it can become. In the 2009 by-election, UDF candidate A. A. Shukoor won by a slender margin, signalling Alappuzha’s capacity for sharp swings when alliances tighten and local sentiment shifts.
Over the last decade, however, the Left’s organisational depth and welfare-oriented governance have increasingly consolidated the constituency — especially when candidates combined town-level development promises with credible crisis response.
The 2021 Verdict
The 2021 Assembly election reaffirmed Alappuzha’s preference for governance-backed continuity while underlining that the seat remains competitive rather than complacent. P. P. Chitharanjan of the CPI(M), the LDF candidate, won Alappuzha (104) with 73,412 votes, defeating K. S. Manoj of the Congress (UDF), who polled 61,768 votes. The winning margin of 11,644 votes was decisive but not overwhelming.
The BJP candidate finished third, indicating a visible yet limited space for polarising national narratives in a constituency where civic delivery remains the dominant electoral language. Chitharanjan’s victory also extended the Left arc after the Isaac years, suggesting that in 2021, Alappuzha read the LDF as the more administratively dependable option amid public health anxieties and mounting municipal pressures.
Pressures Beneath the Town’s Confidence
Alappuzha’s political stability coexists with deep structural stress. Tourism expands the local economy but also intensifies waste, water and traffic burdens. Canal revival and drainage improvement recur in every campaign because they remain unresolved necessities. Even municipal planning documents acknowledge the need for integrated solutions — a tacit admission that Alappuzha’s future hinges on how effectively it manages water, waste and mobility.
Add to this the livelihood vulnerability of fishing households, uncertainty in traditional coir-linked work and rising expectations among a service-sector generation, and Alappuzha emerges as a constituency where dissatisfaction often stays muted but can turn decisive.
How Alappuzha Chooses Its Winners
Electoral success in Alappuzha depends more on municipal credibility than on speechcraft. Candidates are judged by their ability to deliver on canals, drainage, waste management, market regulation, roads, coastal protection and disaster response. The winner is usually the one who convinces voters that government will be reachable — not just visible — when floods arrive, public health systems are strained or livelihoods wobble.
Alappuzha also rewards leaders who can bridge two electorates within one seat: the municipality’s daily civic anxieties and the panchayat belts’ water-and-livelihood concerns. Large rallies matter less than sustained ward-level presence, responsiveness to complaints and the ability to move the bureaucracy.
Alappuzha at a Glance
Assembly Constituency Number 104 lies in Alappuzha district and forms part of the Alappuzha Lok Sabha constituency. It is built around Alappuzha municipality and adjoining panchayats including Aryad, Mannanchery, Mararikkulam South and Mararikkulam North. Its economy is driven by tourism and services alongside fishing, backwater-linked livelihoods, coir and trade. Politically, it remains competitive but governance-centric, with recent Left consolidation without electoral inertia.
Political and Electoral Hotspots
Town wards dominate civic issues — roads, markets, sanitation, waste management and canal health. The canal-and-backwater edge shapes environmental politics and flood anxiety. Coastal pockets foreground fishing livelihoods and disaster response. Panchayat segments such as the Mannancherry–Aryad belt often become quiet vote-deciders, where welfare delivery and local accessibility outweigh party rhetoric.
Key Issues Shaping Voter Mood
Drainage, flooding and canal rejuvenation remain perennial concerns. Waste management and public health infrastructure regularly enter campaign narratives, especially after crises. Coastal protection, fishing livelihood stability and fuel-cost stress shape working-class attitudes. Housing, mobility and employment prospects for youth in a tourism-heavy economy increasingly influence the “middle” vote that often determines margins.
Election Focus Points
Candidates are tested on crisis response, civic delivery and their ability to coordinate across institutions — municipality, panchayats and district administration. Voters track who can get projects sanctioned and executed, not merely announced. In Alappuzha, organisational strength helps, but governance competence converts organisation into votes.
Why Alappuzha Votes the Way It Does
Alappuzha is a town that lives on water and therefore lives with risk. That produces a politics that is less ideological and more managerial, less theatrical and more evaluative. The electorate may appear calm, but it is never passive. It measures power by whether canals flow, streets clear, floods recede, livelihoods hold and the state arrives on time.
In Alappuzha, elections are not celebrations. They are inspections.
(K. A. Shaji)

Dr.K.S Manoj
INC
Sandeep Vachaspati
BJP
NOTA
NOTA
Subeendran K.C
BSP
K.A Vinod
SUCI
Shylendran
BHUDRP

Adv.Laly Vincent
INC
Adv.Ranjith Sreenivas
BJP
NOTA
NOTA
P.A.Sulaiman Kunju
SDPI
K.Mujeeb
PDP
K.A.Vinod
SUCI
Premji.K.P
IND
Adv.Prasanth
IND
The convergence of Nair and Ezhava outfits has sent ripples through Kerala’s political landscape ahead of the high-stakes Assembly elections. Who stands to gain?
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